罗斯福就职演说的主要内容?
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发布时间：2022-05-06 08:41
共5个回答
懂视网
时间：2022-05-06 13:02
Redis: You Shall Never Be Blamed: Mariano Valles with a story of Ruby, Redis and concurrency: Concurrency issues and high loads are best friends.When using unicorn or any other app server using forking to have multipleprocess, be careful,
Redis: You Shall Never Be Blamed:Mariano Valles with a story of Ruby, Redis and concurrency:
Concurrency issues and high loads are best friends. When using unicorn or any other app server using forking to have multiple process, be careful, forks are process clones Servers used as databases or willing to handle many incoming connections should be tuned accordingly: e.gprlimit —nofile 10000 Don’t rely on the GC for cleaning up your mess. It might work in Java, not so much in Ruby.
Original title and link: Redis: You Shall Never Be Blamed | (NoSQL database?myNoSQL)
原文地址：Redis: You Shall Never Be Blamed, 感谢原作者分享。
热心网友
时间：2022-05-06 10:10
1933年3月4日
富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级*都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和*，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在*的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。
钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。
幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的*地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心；没有这一切，信心出就不能存在。
然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由*直接招雇，象战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。
与此同时，我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩，因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人，一方面使土地得到更好的利用，一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。为了促成此项工作，要采取具体措施提高农产品价值，从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。要从实际出发制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方*立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求。要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。要把一切形式的交通运输扣其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之，可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的，唯有空谈无用。我们必须行动起来，迅速行动起来。
最后，在恢复阶段中，我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证：必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资，以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动；必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。
这就是我们的行动路线。我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施，我还将要求各州立即提供支援。
通过此项行动纲领，我们将致力于整顿财政，平衡收支。我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要，但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。我主张采取切合实际的*，分清轻重缓急。我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易，但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。
国家复兴的这些具体方法，其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。我们首先考虑的是：坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。这是复兴的道路。这是直接的道路。这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。
在对外*方面，我认为我国应该奉行睦邻*——决心尊重自己，从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务，也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。
如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确，尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解，我们现在则已经理解到：我们不能只要有所得，也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须象一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产，因为，只有实现这样的纪律，才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。我愿意提供这样的领导，保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束，从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。
作了这项保证之后，我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军，纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。
我们有从先辈那里继承下来的*形式，纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。我们的*是简明扼要的，总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变，而无需动摇其基本形式。正是因为如此，我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的*结构。它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。
但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。然而，史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。
我准备根据*赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。这些措施，以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施，我都将竭尽*所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。
然而，万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式，万一全国紧急状况仍然严重，我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力，就象在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。
对于给予我的信任，我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。我决不会有负众望。
我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日，深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气，明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念，坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得*成功。我们务使国民生计获得全面和长久的保证。
我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。合众国的人民并未气馁。在困难中，他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向。他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具。我也是以这样的精神来担当的。
值此全国奉献之际，我们恳请上帝赐福。祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。祝愿上帝指引我前进。
President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, m
y fellow Americans expect that on my inction in the Presidency I will addr
ess them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our peo
ple impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole trut
h, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the condition
s facing our country today. This great nation will enre as it has enred,
will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belie
f that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning,
unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into a
dvance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness a
nd vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselve
s, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again giv
e that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. T
hey concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantas
tic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of a
ll kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange ar
e frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of instrial enterpr
ise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their proce, and the sa
vings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of exist
ence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish
optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by
no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conque
red, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankf
ul for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multipli
ed it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the
very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exch
ange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and the
ir own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practic
es of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an
outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the
lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they ince
our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortati
on, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of
a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no visi
on, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our
civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measu
re of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, mo
re noble than mere monetary profits.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of ac
hievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation
of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.
These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach u
s that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ou
rselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goe
s hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and
high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of
place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conct in banki
ng and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness
of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes
, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligat
ion, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it ca
nnot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable pr
oblem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part
by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would
treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment
, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use
of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populat
ion in our instrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redis
tribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitt
ed for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agr
icultural proct and with this the power to purchase the output of our citi
es. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing
losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be he
lped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act
forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically rece. It can be
helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,
uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and super
vision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other util
ities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which
it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We
must act, we must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two saf
eguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a st
rict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be a
n end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provision
s for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a ne
w Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and
I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own nati
onal house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international tr
ade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity s
econdary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a prac
tical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to r
estore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency
at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is n
ot narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration up
on the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United S
tates of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important m
anifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recover
y, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will
enre.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of
the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because
he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his ob
ligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world o
f neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have ne
ver realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot mere
ly take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must mov
e as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common
discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no le
adership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives
and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership
which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to lar
ger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a
unity of ty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this grea
t army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common probl
ems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of
government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is s
o simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary ne
eds, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form,
that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly e
nring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every
stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal
strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of 执行utive and legislative a
uthority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task
before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay a
ction may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public pr
ocere.
We face the arous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national
unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral value
s, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of ty
by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent n
ational life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the Unit
ed States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate tha
t they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and dir
ection under leadership, they have made me the present 包含ument of their w
ishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessi
ngs of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the
days to come.
热心网友
时间：2022-05-06 11:28
1933年3月4日
富兰克林罗斯福就任美国总统之时，美国正在遭受经济危机的沉重打击。他在就职演说中呼吁美国人摆脱恐惧心理，迅速行动起来应付危机，并要求国会授予他广泛的行政权力。
值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果敢地谈一谈真情实况，全部的真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还会经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身——会使我们由后退转而前进所需的努力陷于瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。
我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了；我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级*都遇到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。
更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。
但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和*，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在*的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。
他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。
钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。
幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的*地位之所以可贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托深似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心；没有这一切，信心出就不能存在。
然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。
我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由*直接招雇，象战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，从而促进和改组我们自然资源的利用。
与此同时，我们还必须认识到工业中心已经人口过剩，因此应尽力把土地提供给最善于耕种的人，一方面使土地得到更好的利用，一方面在全国范围重新分配人口。为了促成此项工作，要采取具体措施提高农产品价值，从而提高对我们城市产品的购买力。要从实际出发制止对小房产和农场取消偿还抵押所造成的悲剧和日益严重的损失。要坚持由联邦和各州以及各地方*立即采取行动支持大量削减抵押的要求。要把救济工作统一掌管起来以避免目前的分散、浪费和不均的现象。要把一切形式的交通运输扣其他明确属于公用事业的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之，可以促成此项工作的方法是很多的，唯有空谈无用。我们必须行动起来，迅速行动起来。
最后，在恢复阶段中，我们需要避免旧秩序弊端重新出现的两项保证：必须严格监督一切银行储蓄、信贷和投资，以制止利用他人存款进行投机的活动；必须提供充分而有偿付能力的货币。
这就是我们的行动路线。我即将向新的国会的特别会议提出实施这些路线的具体措施，我还将要求各州立即提供支援。
通过此项行动纲领，我们将致力于整顿财政，平衡收支。我们的国际贸易关系虽然十分重要，但在时间性和必要性上必须从属于健全国民经济的任务。我主张采取切合实际的*，分清轻重缓急。我一定竭尽一切努力通过国际经济调整来恢复同世界各地的贸易，但是国内的紧急状况是等待不得贸易上的成就的。
国家复兴的这些具体方法，其基本指导思想并不是狭隘的民族主义。我们首先考虑的是：坚持合众国国内的各种因素和合众国各个部分之间的互相依靠——承认美国拓荒精神的传统的和永远重要的体现。这是复兴的道路。这是直接的道路。这是复兴得以持久的最有力的保证。
在对外*方面，我认为我国应该奉行睦邻*——决心尊重自己，从而也尊重邻国的权利——珍视自己的义务，也珍视与所有邻国和全世界各国协议中所规定的神圣义务。
如果我对我国人民的情绪体会得正确，尽管我们过去在不能互相依靠时并不理解，我们现在则已经理解到：我们不能只要有所得，也要有所贡献；我们要前进，我们就必须象一支有训练而忠诚的军队那样，为了共同的纪律而乐意有所牺牲，因为没有这样的纪律就不可能前进，就不可能实现有效的领导。我相信我们愿意并且准备为这样的纪律献出我们的生命和财产，因为，只有实现这样的纪律，才能实现为了更高利益而奋斗的领导。我愿意提供这样的领导，保证使这些更高的目标将作为一种神圣义务对我们大家都有所约束，从而产生只有战时才出现过的共同责任感。
作了这项保证之后，我将无所顾忌地领导起我国人民组成的大军，纪律井然地逐一解决我们的共同问题。
我们有从先辈那里继承下来的*形式，纪律井然地解决共同问题的行动是完全可能的。我们的*是简明扼要的，总是可以根据特殊的需要而在重点和安排上有所改变，而无需动摇其基本形式。正是因为如此，我们的宪政才不愧为现代世界所产生的最稳定持久的*结构。它经受了领土的极度扩张、辛酸的内战、对外战争和国际关系的考验。
但愿正常的行政和立法分权完全足以应付我们所面对的史无前例的重任。然而，史无前例的要求和迅即行动的需要也可能使我们有必要暂时背离正常分权的公开程序。
我准备根据*赋予我的职责提出灾难深重的我国在当前灾难深重的世界中所需要采取的措施。这些措施，以及国会根据其本身经验和明智所决定的措施，我都将竭尽*所赋予我的权力迅即予以采纳。
然而，万一国会竟不能接受两类中之任一方式，万一全国紧急状况仍然严重，我也将决不回避职责明确向我提出的抉择。我会要求国会准许我使用应付危机的唯一剩余的手段——向非常状况开战的广泛行政权力，就象在实际遭受外部敌人入侵时所应授予我的大权。
对于给予我的信任，我愿意拿出时代所要求于我的勇气和坚贞。我决不会有负众望。
我们瞻望前途的艰苦时日，深感国家统一所给予我们的温暖和勇气，明确必须遵循传统的宝贵道德观念，坚信不分老幼克尽其责必能取得*成功。我们务使国民生计获得全面和长久的保证。
我们对基本民主的未来并未失去信念。合众国的人民并未气馁。在困难中，他们作为选民提出的要求是直接而有力的行动。他们要求的是有领导的纪律和方向。他们已经选择我来作为实现他们愿望的工具。我也是以这样的精神来担当的。
值此全国奉献之际，我们恳请上帝赐福。祝愿上帝保佑我们全体和每一个人。祝愿上帝指引我前进。
（录自《罗斯福选集》，第14——18页。）
热心网友
时间：2022-05-06 13:03
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that on this day, m
y fellow Americans expect that on my inction in the Presidency I will addr
ess them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our peo
ple impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole trut
h, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing the condition
s facing our country today. This great nation will enre as it has enred,
will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me express my firm belie
f that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning,
unjustified terror, which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into a
dvance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness a
nd vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselve
s, which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again giv
e that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. T
hey concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantas
tic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen; government of a
ll kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange ar
e frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of instrial enterpr
ise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their proce, and the sa
vings of many years and thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of exist
ence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only a foolish
optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by
no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conque
red, because they believed and were not afraid, we have so much to be thankf
ul for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts have multipli
ed it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the
very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exch
ange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and the
ir own incompetence, have admitted their failure and have abdicated. Practic
es of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an
outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the
lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which they ince
our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortati
on, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of
a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no visi
on, the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our
civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. A measu
re of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social value, mo
re noble than mere monetary profits.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of ac
hievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation
of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.
These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us, if they teach u
s that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister to ou
rselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goe
s hand in hand with the abandonment of a false belief that public office and
high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of
place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conct in banki
ng and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness
of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that confidence languishes
, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligat
ion, on faithful protection and on unselfish performance. Without them it ca
nnot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable pr
oblem if we take it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part
by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would
treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment
, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use
of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populat
ion in our instrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redis
tribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for those best fitt
ed for the land.
Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agr
icultural proct and with this the power to purchase the output of our citi
es. It can be helped by preventing realistically, the tragedy of the growing
losses through fore closures of our small homes and our farms. It can be he
lped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government act
forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically rece. It can be
helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,
uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for, and super
vision of all forms of transportation, and of communications, and other util
ities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which
it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. We
must act, we must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two saf
eguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must be a st
rict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be a
n end to speculation with other people’s money; and there must be provision
s for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a ne
w Congress in special session, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and
I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.
Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own nati
onal house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our international tr
ade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity s
econdary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a prac
tical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to r
estore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency
at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is n
ot narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration up
on the inter-dependence of the various elements in all parts of the United S
tates of America – a recognition of the old and the permanently important m
anifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recover
y, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will
enre.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy of
the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because
he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who respects his ob
ligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in and with, a world o
f neighbor.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have ne
ver realized before, our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot mere
ly take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we must mov
e as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good of a common
discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can be made, no le
adership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing to submit our lives
and our property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership
which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, we are going to lar
ger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all, as a sacred obligation with a
unity of ty, hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this grea
t army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common probl
ems. Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of
government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution is s
o simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet extraordinary ne
eds, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a central form,
that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly e
nring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen. It has met every
stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal
strife, of world relations.
And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of 执行utive and legislative a
uthority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task
before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelay a
ction may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public pr
ocere.
We face the arous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national
unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral value
s, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of ty
by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent n
ational life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the Unit
ed States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a mandate tha
t they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline, and dir
ection under leadership, they have made me the present 包含ument of their w
ishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.
In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessi
ngs of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide me in the
days to come.
热心网友
时间：2022-05-06 14:54
